‘Wokism’ thrives upon the idea of victimhood. According to propagandist media and so called intellectuals, it is the duty of India to provide every ostensibly persecuted non-Hindu the right as if they (so called persecuted) deserve. Whereas, the killings are no longer secret, the international media comparatively broadcasted the news where Hindus were killed by Rohingyas and Indian media is hell bent on denying the fact that draws attention towards an underestimated crime.
In 2018, Amnesty published a report in which it claimed that the group goes by the name ARSA killed upto 100 civilian in one, or possibly two massacres. Since August 700,000 Rohingyas and others have fled the violence. The claims have substantiated rightly when Jonathan Head, BBC News found that the journalists were taken to the site of the grave of Hindus.
In the name of finding shelters, murders were meditated in the unheard villages of Myanmar. These persecutors are capable of fighting guerilla wars against military states like Myanmar. The records show their ability to exacerbate the habitat for non-muslims.
The 2017 massacre is known as kha maung seik massacre, the ASRA which is a terrorist wing of Rohingyas effectively reduced Hindus in the Maungdaw village where they massacred.
The issue again cloud in media due to the appeal of Bangladesh Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina. She appealed Indian government to deport every Rohingya to Myanmar. The population however, have been fragmented throughout India since 1970s.
The periodical violence in Myanmar prior 2012 and 2017 led the violent population to run in India and Bangladesh. Since then many commissions recruited from various International organs to secure their demand. But no agency acknowledge the helter-skelter cause to the citizen of India whose right to life have been perturbed.
What is the legal status of the Rohingya?
The government refuses to grant the Rohingya citizenship, and as a result most of the group’s members have no legal documentation, effectively making them stateless. Myanmar’s 1948 citizenship law was already exclusionary, and the military junta, which seized power in 1962, introduced another law twenty years later that stripped the Rohingya of access to full citizenship. Until recently, the Rohingya had been able to register as temporary residents with identification cards, known as white cards, which the junta began issuing to many Muslims, both Rohingya and non-Rohingya, in the 1990s. The white cards conferred limited rights but were not recognized as proof of citizenship.
In 2014 the government held a UN-backed national census, its first in thirty years. The Muslim minority group was initially permitted to identify as Rohingya, but after Buddhist nationalists threatened to boycott the census, the government decided Rohingya could only register if they identified as Bengali instead.
Similarly, under pressure from Buddhist nationalists protesting the Rohingya’s right to vote in a 2015 constitutional referendum, President Thein Sein canceled the temporary identity cards in February 2015, effectively revoking their newly gained right to vote. (White card holders were allowed to vote in Myanmar’s 2008 constitutional referendum and 2010 general elections.) In the 2015 elections, which were widely hailed by international monitors as free and fair, no parliamentary candidate was of the Muslim faith.
The act of Rohingyas are suspected to become a nightmare to the non-muslim community in India if are not deported to Myanmar